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Mexico’s Double Economy and the Quiet Rewiring of Its Tech Ecosystem

Mexico’s Double Economy and the Quiet Rewiring of Its Tech Ecosystem

More than half of Mexico’s workers operate informally, while the country simultaneously leads Latin America in manufacturing exports. This white paper explains how that overlapping formal–informal “double economy” is reshaping Mexican startups’ product design, payment rails, go‑to‑market strategies, and regulatory choices—and why understanding these dynamics is essential for investors and founders looking at the market.

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Abstract

Mexico’s tech narrative is usually told through venture capital figures, unicorn counts, and nearshoring headlines. Beneath that surface, however, lies a structural reality that shapes almost every startup decision: a vast, persistent informal economy that coexists with a globally competitive formal sector. As of 2023, Mexico’s informal economy accounted for roughly 24.5–24.8% of GDP and involved about 32–33 million workers, or nearly 55% of total employment, the highest share since 2003 [1][2]. This “double economy” cuts across sectors, from street vendors and tianguis to export manufacturers, and it heavily conditions how digital products are designed, paid for, and scaled.

This paper explores how Mexico’s overlapping formal and informal economies concretely influence the country’s tech and startup ecosystem. It analyzes product design for semi-digital users, cash-heavy payment realities, hybrid go-to-market motions, and regulatory gray zones. Sectoral deep dives in fintech, SME enablement, and logistics illustrate how informality is often a feature, not a bug. A comparative lens with other emerging markets shows why Mexico is not just a smaller Brazil or a poorer US. The paper concludes with implications for founders, investors, and policymakers seeking to turn this double economy from a constraint into a competitive advantage.

Background

Mexico’s economy is a study in contrasts. On one side is a modern, export-oriented sector deeply integrated into global supply chains. Mexico became the largest exporter to the United States in 2023, with manufacturing exports approaching US$200 billion, surpassing China in US-bound shipments [3]. Manufacturing and construction helped the economy grow 0.7% quarter-on-quarter in Q2 2025, with the secondary sector expanding 0.8% [4]. On the other side is a sprawling, low-productivity informal sector that has remained structurally entrenched for decades.

The scale of informality is not marginal; it is system-defining. In 2023, Mexico’s informal economy generated approximately 8.1 trillion pesos, equal to 24.8% of GDP, the highest proportion since 2003 [1]. By late 2025, around 32.6 million people—about 54.8–54.9% of the employed population—worked in informal conditions, with limited labor protections and scant access to formal benefits [2][5]. These activities range from street vending and tianguis to cash-based services, informal logistics, and micro‑entrepreneurship. High labor costs, complex regulation, and administrative burdens push many firms and workers out of formality, while informality provides flexibility and a buffer in regions where formal jobs are scarce [5].

Crucially, Mexico’s formal and informal economies do not exist in parallel silos; they overlap. Many small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) are legally registered yet under-report sales, maintaining a ledger for the tax authority and another “off the books.” Individuals may hold bank accounts and debit cards but still prefer cash for everyday transactions due to trust issues, costs, or habit. Street vendors might accept digital payments through a relative’s account while keeping their own operations informal. This intertwining of formal and informal behaviors creates a “double economy” in which economic actors fluidly move between regimes depending on incentives, enforcement, and social norms [6].

For digital products and platforms, this duality is not an abstract macroeconomic detail; it is the operating environment. Startups in Mexico must assume that a large portion of their potential users are semi-digital (smartphone-heavy, app-light), semi-formal (partially registered, partially invisible), and cash-first despite the proliferation of fintech apps. That reality affects everything from login flows and KYC thresholds to pricing models, payment rails, data infrastructure, and risk management. Traditional Silicon Valley playbooks—built for card-first, fully banked users and clean data trails—break easily in this context. Mexican startups that succeed tend to be those that internalize this double economy as a design constraint rather than treating informality as an edge case.

Methods

This white paper synthesizes recent economic, labor, and industry data on Mexico’s formal and informal sectors with observed patterns in the country’s startup ecosystem. Quantitative anchors come primarily from national statistics and reputable business and policy outlets. Data on the informal economy’s contribution to GDP and employment shares draw on reporting that attributes 24.5–24.8% of Mexico’s 2023–2024 GDP—around 8.1 trillion pesos—to informal activities, alongside informal employment estimates of roughly 32–33 million workers, or about 55% of the labor force [1][2][5]. Macroeconomic context and the characterization of Mexico’s “double economy” as a high-productivity modern sector plus a low-productivity traditional sector are grounded in analyses by McKinsey and multilateral institutions [6].

For the tech and startup dimensions, the paper relies on documented examples and representative cases that match the structural conditions described in these sources. One concrete, recent example is Trabeo, a Mexican web application launched in 2025 that helps independent professionals and small businesses in Latin America digitize their services, bookings, and reviews, explicitly targeting workers often situated in or near the informal economy [7]. Beyond that, the paper uses anonymized or hypothetical mini-cases that are consistent with the documented prevalence of informality, the widespread use of WhatsApp and smartphones, and the dominance of cash despite expanding fintech offerings. Comparative insights on tax and digital regulation in other emerging markets (such as Pakistan, India, and the Philippines) are used not as direct analogues but as reference points for how states respond to the blend of informal and digital commerce [8][9][10].

Throughout, causal claims are framed cautiously, linking observed economic structures and regulatory constraints to plausible startup strategies. Where formal evaluations or hard data on specific startups are absent, the analysis focuses on patterns that logically follow from the documented labor structure, payment habits, and regulatory incentives, rather than speculating about specific companies beyond the cited examples.

Key Findings

1. Mexico’s Double Economy Is Quantitatively Large and Structurally Persistent

The first finding is simply the magnitude and persistence of Mexico’s informal economy. In 2023, informal activities contributed 24.8% to GDP, the highest recorded share since 2003 [1]. In 2024 the informal sector generated roughly 8.094 trillion pesos, equal to 24.5% of national output [5]. These are not remnants of a fading structure—they are growing or at least holding steady at historically high levels.

On the labor side, the story is similar. As of September 2025, around 32.6 million workers—54.9% of the employed population—were in informal employment [2]. Another estimate for 2024 cites 33 million informal workers, underscoring the stability of this order of magnitude [5]. While Mexico’s formal manufacturing exports and nearshoring boom often dominate headlines, more than half of the labor force remains in arrangements without full legal protections, social security, or transparent income records. This structural informality is the default for millions of workers and micro‑entrepreneurs, not an exception.

This persistence is deeply rooted in incentives. High labor costs, heavy tax burdens, and complex regulation make formality expensive for SMEs. According to the Center for Economic Studies of the Private Sector, these costs help explain why 33 million workers remained informal in 2024 [5]. For many firms, operating semi-informally—registering a company but under-reporting revenue, hiring workers off the books, or running side hustles in cash—is a rational optimization between compliance risk and survival. For households, informality provides flexibility, especially in regions where formal jobs are scarce and remittances—US$53 billion in 2023—smooth consumption but do not necessarily formalize work [3][11].

2. Semi-Digital, Semi-Formal Users Drive Distinct Product Design Choices

The second finding is that the typical Mexican startup user is neither fully offline nor fully “Web2‑ready” in the Silicon Valley sense. Widespread smartphone penetration and near-ubiquitous WhatsApp usage coexist with low formal credit penetration and limited familiarity with complex apps. Micro‑entrepreneurs in markets, home-based services, and small shops often keep partial documentation—an INE ID card, a basic bank account—but lack formal credit history or consistent, digitized records of sales.

This drives three core product adaptations. First, identity and onboarding flows lean heavily on phone numbers and messaging apps. Instead of email-plus-password with elaborate KYC, many Mexican platforms use SMS or WhatsApp codes as the primary login credential and ask for simple INE photo uploads rather than full documentation packages. This lowers friction for users with limited paperwork and for those wary of sharing sensitive data.

Second, interfaces are designed for low data, intermittent connectivity, and modest digital literacy. Apps adopt large buttons, minimal text, and workflows that mirror offline processes: order forms that look like paper invoices, inventory modules that resemble a physical stock notebook. Offline or “store and forward” modes allow tianguis vendors or neighborhood drivers to record transactions and sync when they regain connectivity.

Third, trust-building is deeply human. Many users perceive purely self-service apps as risky or opaque. Startups therefore invest disproportionately in WhatsApp-based onboarding, local promoters who visit markets, and voice notes or explainer videos in colloquial Spanish. Trabeo, for example, offers independent professionals and small businesses a simple web interface to list services, manage appointments, and collect reviews, but its value proposition is often activated by word-of-mouth among workers who previously relied on phone calls or walk-ins [7].

User profile Digital assets Formal assets Product implications
Street vendor / tianguis seller Smartphone, WhatsApp, Facebook Often no credit history, basic ID Phone-based login, offline mode, cash-first workflows
Home-based service provider Smartphone, social media presence Partial documentation, maybe bank acct Simple booking tools, chat-based support, flexible pricing
Registered SME shop owner POS, smartphone, basic software Tax ID, partial invoicing Dual ledgers (with/without factura), hybrid payment rails

These patterns mean that “product-market fit” in Mexico often looks like WhatsApp threads, manual back-office processes, and partial digitization, rather than clean self-service funnels. Startups that insist on full KYC or sophisticated UX from day one can unintentionally filter out a large share of the real market.

3. Cash Dominance and Convenience Stores as Financial Infrastructure Reshape Fintech and Commerce

Despite an explosion of fintech offerings, cash still dominates everyday Mexican transactions. A large share of the 32–33 million informal workers is paid in cash [2][5]. For them, digital wallets function mainly as “cash in, cash out” tools: you top up at a store or with an agent, pay a bill or transfer, and withdraw again quickly [6]. Balances are not typically held as savings.

This usage pattern has several implications. First, cash-on-delivery expectations are stubborn. E-commerce and delivery startups must often support COD to unlock adoption beyond upper-middle-income neighborhoods. That complicates working capital and fraud management but reflects users’ distrust in prepaying for goods in a context of weak consumer protection and variable service quality.

Second, chains like Oxxo operate as a de facto financial backbone. Oxxo and other convenience stores allow users to pay utility bills, top up mobile phones, deposit cash into digital wallets, and sometimes make quasi-bank-like transfers. For many Mexicans, the “branch” is the corner store. Startups integrate with these payment rails to extend reach without requiring bank accounts or cards. This is less glamorous than building on top of card networks but more aligned with actual behavior.

Third, agent networks and hybrid collection models are common. Startups serving informal merchants frequently rely on local promoters who collect cash, reconcile payments, and help users top up balances. These human networks are operationally heavy but substitute for the absence of dense ATM and bank branch infrastructure in lower-income neighborhoods.

The lesson for foreign investors is straightforward: card-first, bank-led models miss the bulk of the addressable market. Products that assume users will treat a wallet like a neobank account or will switch quickly from cash to fully digital often underperform. Instead, the winning models acknowledge cash as a long-term companion and design rails that leave room for gradual behavior change.

Payment modality Typical user segment Role in startup models
Cash-on-delivery Mass consumers, informal workers Trust-building, entry point for e‑commerce and gigs
Oxxo / convenience store Underbanked, semi-formal SMEs Primary cash-in/cash-out nodes for digital platforms
Bank transfer / card Formal employees, mid-high income Used in later stages, subscriptions, B2B transactions

4. Go-to-Market Strategies Are Built Around Informal Networks and Social Platforms

When early adopters sit largely outside the formal economy, classical digital customer acquisition gives way to hybrid, community-embedded strategies. In many colonias and mercados, the most effective “channel” is still a trusted neighbor or association leader, not a performance ad.

Startups often start by partnering with trade groups, cooperatives, or unions. A SaaS-like tool for corner stores might first recruit 20 shopkeepers through a local supplier, then compound via word-of-mouth as merchants observe each other’s results. Demonstrations in mercados, kiosks during peak traffic hours, and presence at weekly tianguis build familiarity that pure online marketing cannot achieve. WhatsApp and Facebook groups become both top-of-funnel and operational infrastructure: onboarding, support, and even transaction coordination happen in chats.

A representative mini-case: imagine a startup offering inventory and credit tools for 2,000 small tiendas. Rather than launching a nationwide ad campaign, the team identifies three large wholesale distributors who already serve hundreds of shops. Sales reps ride along distribution routes, demonstrating the app in person and helping store owners install it. A WhatsApp group per distributor route supports ongoing questions. Payment is collected weekly in cash by the distributor, which then settles digitally with the startup. Within six months, the startup has onboarded 1,000 stores—not through app-store virality, but via embedded distribution in existing informal networks.

This pattern holds across verticals. Service marketplaces rely on Facebook communities where workers already advertise; logistics startups tap into WhatsApp groups of moto drivers. TikTok is used less for “brand” and more as a low-cost tool for hyper-local reach—short videos explaining how to use an app in the context of a specific market or barrio. Growth looks messier than in formal, card-first markets, but when done well, it produces high engagement and defensible local moats.

5. Regulation, Gray Areas, and Gradual Formalization Shape Scaling Paths

Serving semi-formal users inevitably brings regulatory tension. Financial platforms must comply with KYC and anti–money laundering (AML) rules while trying not to exclude users who lack formal documentation or who fear that full transparency will trigger tax scrutiny. Digitalization can expose previously invisible income streams, potentially subjecting SMEs and workers to back taxes or audits.

Other countries offer cautionary tales. In India, the rollout of the Goods and Services Tax (GST) and the expansion of digital payments led some small vendors to receive tax notices when their declared income failed to match digital turnover, pushing them to revert to cash [9]. Pakistan’s Federal Board of Revenue has imposed a 2% tax on the gross value of supplies ordered digitally through platforms to bring more online transactions into the tax net [8]. In the Philippines, a 2024 law extends VAT to foreign digital service providers and allows authorities to block non-compliant platforms [10]. These examples illustrate how the combination of digitalization and taxation can drive small actors back into the shadows if not calibrated.

Mexican startups, operating in a context where 24–25% of GDP is informal and over half of workers are off the books, have strong incentives to design “on-ramps” rather than hard jumps into formality. Many begin with tools that do not require tax IDs or formal bank accounts—basic digital ledgers, appointment systems, or messaging-based ordering. Only once trust is built do they introduce optional features like e‑invoicing (facturación), full transaction histories, or formal credit lines.

Strategically, founders must constantly ask: how much informality can our platform support before we face regulatory pushback or limit our ability to scale? Too much tolerance for off-the-books transactions can spook institutional investors and regulators; too little can alienate the core user base. The most robust models treat formalization as a gradual, user-controlled ladder: start with simple tools that add value in informal operations, then make it easy—but not mandatory—to formalize over time.

Comparative Analysis

Mexico vs. Brazil and Colombia: Similar Informality, Different Structures

Brazil and Colombia also contend with large informal sectors and low financial inclusion. On the surface, their challenges resemble Mexico’s: cash dominance in lower-income segments, fragmented retail, and millions of micro‑entrepreneurs. Yet structural differences shape how tech ecosystems respond.

Mexico’s proximity to the US and its role as the United States’ top exporter, with nearly US$200 billion in manufacturing exports in 2023, mean that its formal sector is tightly integrated into North American value chains [3]. This generates a sophisticated, globally competitive corporate base, while leaving a wide productivity gap with the traditional, informal sector—a “tale of two Mexicos” [6]. Remittances, totaling US$53 billion in 2023, inject liquidity directly into households but do not automatically formalize their economic activity [11]. In contrast, Brazil’s larger domestic market and stronger national champions in banking and retail have allowed digital platforms to piggyback on dense, formal infrastructures. Colombia’s smaller scale and different political economy create yet another configuration of formal–informal overlap.

Consequently, Brazilian fintechs often build more directly on card networks and formal financial rails, while Mexico’s fintechs must weave together bank APIs, convenience-store rails, and agent networks. Colombian startups, facing security and geography challenges, lean heavily on logistics innovation but in a smaller domestic market. In Mexico, the formal sector’s sophistication and the informal sector’s scale coexist without a unifying state-led inclusion push of the Brazilian type, leaving more space—and more responsibility—for startups to bridge gaps.

Mexico vs. India and Other Emerging Markets: Tax and Data Tensions

Comparing Mexico to India highlights why copy-pasting playbooks is risky. India’s digitalization drive—through Aadhaar, UPI, and GST—created a vast, low-cost payments infrastructure but also tightened the fiscal net around small vendors. As digital records exposed discrepancies between receipts and tax declarations, some micro-entrepreneurs experienced enforcement shocks and reverted to cash [9]. Pakistan’s targeted tax on digitally ordered supplies and the Philippines’ VAT on foreign digital services show similar impulses to capture revenue from growing online commerce [8][10].

Mexico has not yet built a single, nationwide digital identity and payments stack as integrated as India’s. While the government and the central bank promote digitalization, the informal economy’s contribution of nearly a quarter of GDP and employment for over half the workforce makes authorities cautious; a sudden enforcement shock could destabilize livelihoods [1][2][5]. This gives Mexican startups a somewhat wider space to operate in gray zones but also creates uncertainty about future regulatory tightening, especially as the IMF projects slower growth of 1.5% in 2024 and 1.3% in 2025 and urges structural reforms [12]. Unlike India, where state-led rails define the playing field, Mexico’s landscape is more market-driven and fragmented, forcing startups to invent their own combination of convenience-store rails, agent networks, and lightweight KYC.

For foreign founders, the implication is that Mexico is neither a smaller Brazil with similar bank-led rails, nor an early-stage India waiting for a monolithic government platform. It is its own hybrid: a US-facing manufacturing powerhouse with a massive, resilient informal services base. Startups that succeed are often those that internalize this hybrid nature and solve for it explicitly, rather than trying to “upgrade” users to a foreign ideal of formality.

Case Studies

Case 1: Digitizing Independent Professionals with Trabeo

Trabeo, launched in 2025, offers a window into how Mexican startups design for semi-formal workers. The web application allows independent professionals and small businesses across Latin America to create public profiles, publish services, manage online appointments, and collect verified reviews [7]. Many of its target users—hairdressers, tutors, repair technicians—operate in the gray zone: they may have an ID card and a bank account, but their work is arranged through word-of-mouth, phone calls, or walk-ins, with little formal documentation.

Trabeo’s product design reflects this reality. Onboarding emphasizes simplicity: users can sign up with basic contact information and gradually enrich their profile. Rather than requiring full corporate details, the platform focuses on reputation-building through reviews, a currency that matters in informal ecosystems where trust is highly local. Appointments and communication are structured to fit with existing habits, often leveraging messaging channels users already know. For many workers, Trabeo becomes their first semi-formal digital storefront: a step toward visibility and professionalism without immediately triggering complex tax or regulatory obligations.

Case 2: A Hypothetical Tienda Platform Bridging Cash and Credit

Consider a hypothetical startup, “TiendApp,” built to serve 1,500 small tiendas de abarrotes across secondary Mexican cities. Most of these shops are legally registered but under-report income, split sales between “con factura” and “sin factura,” and pay suppliers in cash. Shop owners use smartphones, but primarily for WhatsApp and Facebook. Few have formal credit, and their accounting systems are paper notebooks.

TiendApp’s product strategy centers on incremental value: a mobile app that digitizes inventory and tracks sales (including cash), without requiring tax IDs upfront. Onboarding is done through supplier ride-alongs; promoters visit stores, install the app, and demonstrate how it can reduce stockouts. Payments for the service are collected weekly in cash by the suppliers, who then settle digitally with TiendApp. After six months, as store owners see benefits and gain comfort with the tool, TiendApp introduces optional modules: electronic invoicing for formal sales, basic analytics, and a pre-approved microcredit line calculated off the store’s recorded turnover. Some merchants opt in, effectively climbing a ladder from informality toward partial formality at their own pace.

Case 3: An Informal Logistics Network Going Digital

Imagine “MotoRed,” a last-mile logistics startup in a large metropolitan area. The city already has thousands of informal moto couriers who transport goods for local stores via phone calls and WhatsApp. MotoRed’s insight is that instead of displacing this network with a fully formal fleet, it can aggregate and partially formalize it.

The platform onboards couriers through local leaders who run existing WhatsApp groups. Drivers download a lightweight app that mirrors their current behavior—receiving job offers, confirming via chat, and getting route suggestions. Payment remains flexible: some merchants pay MotoRed via bank transfer or card; others deposit cash at convenience stores, which MotoRed reconciles against driver payouts. KYC for drivers is minimal at first (INE photo and phone number), but as they complete more jobs, incentives to formalize grow: better insurance, higher-value deliveries, and access to installment credit for motorcycles. Over time, MotoRed transforms an entirely informal logistics web into a semi-formal, digitally orchestrated network without forcing an abrupt break with existing practices.

Limitations

Any analysis of Mexico’s informal–formal overlap faces significant data and attribution challenges. By definition, informal activities evade or under-report to authorities, making their true scale and composition hard to measure. Estimates of the informal sector’s contribution to GDP and employment, such as the 24.5–24.8% of GDP and roughly 32–33 million workers reported for 2023–2024, are based on survey techniques and modeling with inherent margins of error [1][2][5]. Disaggregated data on which subsectors are digitizing fastest, or how exactly startups’ user bases map onto formal or informal employment status, are scarce.

Moreover, the paper relies heavily on structural reasoning rather than firm-specific performance data. While examples like Trabeo are concrete, most startup case narratives are representative or hypothetical, constructed to fit the documented context of widespread informality, cash use, and semi-digital behaviors. Without audited numbers or independent evaluations, it is difficult to quantify exactly how much of a given startup’s growth or resilience is attributable to its handling of informality versus other factors like team quality, capital access, or macroeconomic tailwinds.

Regulatory trajectories also remain uncertain. The comparative examples from India, Pakistan, and the Philippines illustrate potential directions for tax and digital policy, but Mexico’s exact path—how aggressively it will formalize digital commerce, how it will balance KYC/AML enforcement with inclusion, and how fiscal pressures will shape new regulations—is unknown. The IMF’s forecast of slower growth in 2024–2025 underscores the stakes but does not specify policy choices [12]. As such, some forward-looking implications in this paper should be read as directional hypotheses rather than precise predictions.

Implications

For founders, the central implication is that product-market fit in Mexico demands explicit design for semi-digital, semi-formal users. Validating ideas cannot rely solely on card-based transactions or app analytics; much of the early signal will live in WhatsApp chats, cash flows, and qualitative feedback from merchants, drivers, or service providers. Pilots should be structured to accommodate partial documentation and cash-heavy behaviors while building in clear, user-friendly ladders toward optional formality—whether through e‑invoicing modules, digital ledgers, or credit products that reward transparent reporting.

Investors evaluating Mexican startups must adjust their lenses. Classic SaaS KPIs or neobank metrics may understate the traction of ventures serving informal segments. More relevant signals include repeat usage by micro‑entrepreneurs, integration into existing distribution or association networks, and the robustness of cash-in and cash-out infrastructure (for example, partnerships with Oxxo or agent networks). At the same time, investors should probe regulatory exposure: How does the startup’s model sit relative to current and plausible future KYC, AML, and tax rules? Is there a credible path to increased formality without alienating core users?

For policymakers and ecosystem builders, the challenge is to harness the innovative energy directed at informal markets without overwhelming them. Simplifying tax regimes for micro‑entrepreneurs, reducing labor compliance burdens for small firms, and offering safe, low-friction digital identity and payments tools can encourage gradual formalization. Heavy-handed efforts—like sudden tax enforcement based on digital traces, as seen in other countries—risk driving users back to cash and undermining the very digitalization policymakers seek [8][9][10]. If Mexico can strike a balance, its double economy could become a source of competitive advantage: a vast laboratory where startups learn to serve complex, overlapping user realities that will increasingly characterize other emerging markets.

Conclusion

Mexico’s next tech wave will not look fully “formal” on day one. It will be built by founders who accept that more than half of the workforce operates informally, that roughly a quarter of GDP flows through off-the-books or semi-compliant channels, and that cash and convenience stores will remain central to payment infrastructures for years [1][2][5]. Instead of treating this as a pathology to be engineered away, successful startups will treat informality as a design parameter.

The core thesis of this paper is that Mexico’s overlapping formal and informal economies are not a backdrop but a primary engine shaping product design, payment architectures, growth strategies, and regulatory trade-offs. Startups that thrive in this environment build for semi-digital, semi-formal users, embed themselves in community networks, leverage hybrid rails like Oxxo and agent networks, and offer gradual on-ramps to formality. Their growth stories may not fit standard Silicon Valley narratives, but they are deeply adapted to the “two Mexicos” described by economic analyses [6].

Looking ahead 5–10 years, we can expect more ventures that straddle these worlds: platforms that orchestrate informal logistics networks, SME tools that blur the line between bookkeeping and tax compliance, fintechs that treat convenience stores as branches, and labor marketplaces that professionalize independent workers without stripping away flexibility. As these models mature, they could influence Latin American tech more broadly, offering playbooks for serving large, under-documented populations in ways that are both commercially viable and socially inclusive. For international investors and partners, understanding Mexico’s double economy is not optional; it is the key to reading where the country’s most important tech innovations will come from.

References

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[2] “La informalidad sigue deteriorando el mercado laboral en México,” El País, Oct. 28, 2025. https://elpais.com/mexico/economia/2025-10-28/la-informalidad-sigue-deteriorando-el-mercado-laboral-en-mexico.html?utm_source=openai

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[7] “Trabeo,” Wikipedia (es), accessed 2025. https://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Trabeo?utm_source=openai

[8] “FBR Imposes 2% Tax on Digital Supplies,” Business Recorder, June 2025. https://www.brecorder.com/news/40367328?utm_source=openai

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[10] “Asia Tax Bulletin Winter 2024/2025,” Mayer Brown, 2025. https://www.mayerbrown.com/en/pdf/insights/publications/2025/01/asia-tax-bulletin-winter-2024-2025?utm_source=openai

[11] “After Trump’s Victory, Mexico Fears an Economic Slowdown,” Le Monde, Nov. 7, 2024. https://www.lemonde.fr/en/international/article/2024/11/07/after-trump-s-victory-mexico-fears-an-economic-slowdown_6731998_4.html?utm_source=openai

[12] “IMF Sees Mexico Economic Growth Slowing in 2024, 2025,” Reuters, Oct. 15, 2024. https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/imf-sees-mexico-economic-growth-slowing-2024-2025-2024-10-15/?utm_source=openai